Dr John Coulter  While St Patrick’s Day tomorrow is traditionally associated with shamrock and Irish tricolours, it also marks the anniversary of the formation of one of the most fundamentalist and vocal Protestant denominations - the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster.

March 17th this year will be especially poignant for the Church, affectionally known as the Free Ps, as it marks the 75th anniversary of that formation in 1951 by a certain firebrand cleric - the Rev Ian Paisley, who later became First Minister of Northern Ireland with former Londonderry IRA commander Martin McGuinness as his Deputy First Minister.

How time flies! It only seems like yesterday that I penned an analysis of the Free Ps to mark the 50th anniversary of their formation in 2001, which was published in the Sunday Business Post under the headline: ‘Fifty years free and saved for Ian.’

A few days ago, a leaflet dropped through my letterbox detailing plans to mark that 75th anniversary. The blurb read:
 
Seventy-five years ago, on 17 March 1951, the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster was founded on the day the world recalls Patrick, who preached the same Gospel first entrusted to His apostles. While the world is rapidly changing, the message of the Gospel is unchanging and it is needed as much today as when it was first proclaimed.

This year, we celebrate 75 years of the Free Presbyterian Church by continuing to share that very same Gospel. Throughout 2026 our churches will be holding special services and mission events.

What struck me about the well-designed informative leaflet was that there was no mention of its historic founder Dr Paisley. When I penned the 50th anniversary article in 2001, Dr Paisley had been the Moderator of the Free Ps for virtually all its existence and would continue to be its leader for some years to come.

This is unlike its rival in the mainstream Presbyterian Church in Ireland (PCI), which elects a new Moderator each year. However, it can be suggested that Dr Paisley paid the price for entering a power-sharing Stormont Executive in 2007 with McGuinness in a working partnership which became dubbed ‘The Chuckle Brothers’.

While this era saw perhaps the most stable period of devolved government at Stormont since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, ultimately the ‘Chuckle Brothers’ routine sparked great unease among the ranks of the Free Presbyterian Church. It would lead to Dr Paisley’s resignation as Moderator.

But the Free P Church of 2026 is a far cry from the denomination I wrote about in 2001. While it would be some 20 years from the Free P foundation in 1951 to the launch of the DUP in 1971, the Free Ps were often later dubbed ‘the DUP at prayer’.

For many years since 1971, and especially through the generations of the Troubles, the Free P Church had a significant influence in the party. It seemed to be an unwritten edict that you had to be a communicant member of the Free Ps to rise to any role within the DUP.

Traditionally, when Protestants became disillusioned with PCI or the Ulster Unionist Party because of their respective liberal views, they quit both and joined the Free Church or the DUP.

The political problem for the Free Church came when current North Antrim MP Jim Allister quit the DUP and established the more hardline Traditional Unionist Voice party.

TUV members and supporters who were also members or worshippers at the Free Church did not necessarily leave those Free churches. Numerous TUV supporters chose to remain within the Free Church, thus creating a unofficial dissident Unionist movement within the denomination.

It would be this internal dissenting voice within the Free Church which would ultimately lead to Dr Paisley’s quitting as both Free Church Moderator and DUP boss.

In my 2001 article on the Free Church, I noted:

For its 40th anniversary celebrations in 1991 it packed 1,500 people into Belfast’s King’s Hall. The half century celebrations come at an opportune time - a matter of weeks before the expected British general election and local government elections in the North.

Those 50th anniversary celebrations in 2001 - at which Dr Paisley was the keynote speaker - were to provide a springboard for the DUP to overtake the rival UUP at both Assembly and Westminster levels.

Mind you, one observation I noted in 2001 still applies to the Free Church in 2026. Then I wrote:

Over the next two weekends many Free Presbyterians will be pondering what the spiritual and theological direction of the church should be, not just for the new millennium, but also for the next half-century.

Put bluntly, where does the Free Church now go post-Dr Paisley to see the denomination mark its centenary in 2051? One anecdotal evidence seems certain - the Free Church does not wield the same influence in Unionist and Loyalist politics as it did during the Dr Paisley era.

Dr Paisley for many years was also the keynote speaker at the Independent Orange Order’s annual Twelfth demonstration. Free Ps also played an influential role in Protestant pressure groups, such as the Evangelical Protestant Society and Caleb Foundation.

As Northern Ireland is now perceived to be a more secular and pluralist society, so too is the perception that these groups do not have the same influence within the Christian and pro-Union communities.

Other questions also need to be posed of Free Presbyterianism. Would the Free Church have had such a high media profile had a number of its leading members not dabbled in politics?

Would Dr Paisley have become the Billy Graham of Western Europe if he had stayed out of Ulster politics?

Similarly, the Free Church must use its 75th anniversary celebrations to ask itself how it will maintain its numbers in the pews given the current popularity of other fundamentalist and evangelical Protestant denominations, such as the Baptists, Elim Pentecostalists, Independent Pentecostalists and even the Brethren?

Like PCI, is the Free Church perceived to be an ageing denomination in terms of the folk in the pews? The real challenge for the Free Church in the years ahead will be to make itself more appealing to the youth of Ireland, north and south.

Young people are the lifeblood and future of any place of worship. If a church does not have a vibrant youth movement, the elderly will eventually literally die out, as will that church.

The Free Church was always perceived to be very traditional in its music and dress codes, especially for women. The latter must always wear hats to worship, not short skirts or trouser suits.

Like many Christian denominations across the geographical island of Ireland, the answers to these questions will be the key to the Christian churches development and survival.

While my late dad, Rev Dr Robert Coulter MBE, was best known for his ministry within PCI, he was at one time a minister in the early Free Church. The photo with this column shows my dad, on the left, with a very youthful Dr Paisley, on the right, at one such Free P event.

Before meeting my mother, dad was minister of Mount Merrion Free Presbyterian Church in Belfast in the Fifties. Before he became a born again Christian, dad had played in a dance band. His favourite musical instrument was the piano accordion.

During his brief ministry at Mount Merrion, dad would have Sunday evening Auld Tyme Gospel Music praise events. When Dr Paisley discovered that more people were going to Mount Merrion on Sunday evenings for the music praise instead of coming to hear him preach at his church in Belfast, he urged folk not to go to Mount Merrion!

Dad saw the writing on the wall in terms of his tenure in the Free Church and quit soon afterwards, later joining PCI. In spite of this, dad and Dr Paisley remained on good terms throughout their lives.
 
Follow Dr John Coulter on Twitter @JohnAHCoulter
John is a Director for Belfast’s Christian radio station, Sunshine 1049 FM. 

Future Of The Free P’s Depends On Youth Appeal

Lynx By Ten To The Power Of One Thousand Nine Hundred And Twelve

Anthony McIntyre  For the past fortnight the two most warlike states on the planet, the USA and Israel, have been attacking Iranian society in what looks like a bid to bomb it into the stone age.

Two thousand reported dead and millions displaced from their homes, this is dark ages stuff from two states that have the technology, the capability, the intellect but not the mindset to be global leaders in enlightenment rather than envelop the world in the darkness of a mushroom cloud.

In a most informative article on The Pensive Quill this morning, Cam Ogie draws comparisons between pre-enlightenment rule by the Caesars and that by Trump/Netanyahu. And they have the audacity to claim that Iran and Gaza are led by obscurantists.

Mehdi Hasan cut to the chase with his acerbic observation:

Israel is bombarding, literally bombarding two Middle Eastern capitals. Beirut and Tehran, literally killing hundreds of civilians, and yet the US and UK media continue to portray Iran as the threat to the region Israel has nukes, but Iran is the nuclear threat. We live in Orwellian times.

The fog of the war over Iran might obscure what happens elsewhere in the region, but happen it does. In the West Bank village of Abu Falah on the night of March-7, three Palestinian residents were butchered by Israeli Nazis seeking to intimidate them out of their land so that it could be stolen in pursuit of the expansionist policy of Lebensraum. The IDF stood by and observed as the attacks took place, only entering once the Nazi settlers had departed, their work for the night done. When the Israeli SS came in the wake of the Nazi settlers it was not with ambulances and medical equipment but with jeeps, tear gas and stun grenades.

Mondoweiss, sketching the background to the triple murder, highlighted the spike in Nazi settler violence:

They weren’t the only Palestinians whose lives were taken by Israeli settlers that week. A few days earlier, another Israeli attack killed brothers Muhammad and Fahim Muammar in the village of Qaryut, east of Nablus. Another Palestinian, Ameer Shanaran, was killed by an Israeli settler in Masafer Yatta of the South Hebron Hills on the same day as the Abu Fallah killings.In total, settler pogroms had killed five Palestinians in the West Bank in less than a week, part of a broader escalation in settler violence and Israeli military restrictions on the lives of Palestinians since the start of the ongoing U.S.-Israeli war on Iran.

Israeli Nazi settler violence has been unrelenting: 486 attacks in January, 511 attacks in February. It is Kristallnacht every night for the residents of the West Bank. Muhammad Abu Karsh echoed a sentiment often expressed by Jews living under Nazi rule in the 1930s: "There’s a feeling of vulnerability and humiliation that you can be killed in our own town without consequences.”

A Palestinian can also be raped in custody, have it recorded only then to experience the vulnerability and humiliation that comes with finding out the five IDF rapists are not to face prosecution - again no consequences for the perpetrators of sexual violence.

In Gaza, where Israel has killed "more than 72,000 people in its genocidal war . . .  the majority of them women and children, and reduced almost the entire enclave to rubble," the Israeli air force this week murdered four civilians, including two seventeen year old boys. This brings the total of murders committed by Israel in Gaza to seventeen since the start of the onslaught on Iran. So much for a ceasefire.

Yes, there is a an imperialist war on Iran which we very much oppose. But Drogheda Stands With Palestine, each Saturday holds up a candle that refuses to allow the fog of that war to turn Gaza or the West Bank into a cosmological black hole from which no light can escape. We don't have to believe in a god to observe the biblical edict of let there be light. And we who gather here each Saturday remain determined that light from the heart of darkness will reach Drogheda

Follow on Bluesky.

Let There Be Light

Ukraine Solidarity Group ✊ A Digest of News from Ukrainian Sources ⚔ 2-March-2026.

In this week’s bulletin

⬤ Ukrainian socialist Taras Bilous: what peace means.
⬤ Crimea resistance to occupation.
⬤ Oleksandr Kyselov interview.
⬤ Resistance to occupation manifesto.
⬤ UK unions on solidarity.
⬤ Welsh MP: next steps.
 ⬤ Russian socialists: four years of war.
 ⬤ Russian torture & religious persecution.

News from the territories occupied by Russia

Brutal Russian roulette with the life of gravely ill political prisoner (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, February 27th)

Russia brings long sentences for pro-Ukrainian social media posts to occupied Ukraine (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, February 27th)

The Face of Resistance: Crimean Tatar Activist Rustem Izmailov (Crimea Platform, February 27th)

Forum “CRIMEA: The Home We Are Fighting For” Opens in Kyiv to Mark the Day of Resistance to the Occupation of Crimea (Crimea Platform, February 26th)

Joint Statement by Participants of International Crimea Platform (Crimea Platform, February 26th)

February 26 – Day of Resistance to the Occupation of Crimea (Crimea Platform, February 26th)

Help force Russia to free abducted and tortured Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant employees! (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, February 26th)

Crimean Jehovah’s Witness sentenced to six years for refusing to renounce his faith (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, February 24th)

Brutal FSB set-up to sentence 21-year-old Donetsk woman to 20 years for patriotism (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, February 23rd)

20 February – The Official Start Date of the Occupation of Crimea (Crimea Platform, February 20th)

News from Ukraine

Energy system attack a double Crime (Tribunal for Putin, February 28th)

Premiere of Film “Forgive Me, Mom” in Honor of Hennadii Afanasyev (Crimea Platform, Feb 27th)

The story behind ex-minister Herman Halushchenko’s arrest (Meduza, 27 February)

Rail bombing aims at collapse (Tribunal for Putin, February 27th)

Human rights organisations call for veto of law on forced evacuation (Zmina, February 27th)

Gaps in housing and social security provision (Cedos, 26 February)

The ECtHR will examine complaints concerning violations during the July attack on anti-corruption activists (Zmina, February 23rd)

Russian soldier sentenced to life for killing two Ukrainian POWs in cold blood (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, February 23rd)

Still Standing: The Ukrainian Labor Market at War (Rockwell Foundation, February 2026)

War-related news from Russia

Cardboard coffins and countertop monuments: Russia is increasingly cutting costs on the burial of its war dead (The Insider, February 28th)

No connection: Blocking Starlink for the Russian military has changed the situation at the front in Ukraine (The Insider, February 27th)

Residents of Russia’s Belgorod are feeling the effects of war (The Insider, February 27th)

Orthodox church helps recruit Kenyans to Russian army (Meduza, 27 February)

Prison sentence increased for protester who told the court “death to Putin, glory to Ukraine” (Mediazona, 27 February)

Anti-war political prisoner’s wife barred from his funeral (Mediazona, 26 February)

Record losses. minimal gains: Assessing 4th year of Russia’s full-scale war (The Insider, Feb 26th)

Russian casualty figures – a corrective (Meduza, 25 February)

Spinoff of the Legendary Zombie Franchise (The Russian Reader, 23 February)

“People are still stuck in this cage” (Posle.Media, February 18th)

Analysis and comment

Resistance: Manifesto in defence of Ukrainians living under occupation (Zmina, February 26th)

Statement: 12th anniversary of Crimea’s resistance to Russian occupation (Zmina, February 26th)

rs21's Retreat – A Case Study: How the British Left Lost Ukraine (Red Mole Substack, February 25th)

A Ukrainian Socialist Went to War. Here’s What He Thinks About Peace (Jacobin, February 24th)

Four Years of War in Ukraine with Oleksandr Kyselov (Jacobin Radio, Febr 24th)

As the Kremlin’s war of aggression is entering its fifth year (Facebook, Febr 24th)

International solidarity

Fourth Anniversary of War: Statement by the Posle Editorial Collective (Posle.Media, February 24th)

Statement by UK trade unions in solidarity with Ukraine, on the fourth anniversary of the full-scale invasion (Ukraine Solidarity Campaign, February 23rd)

Peace in Ukraine: the next steps (Labour Hub, February 23rd)

Four years after Russia’s invasion: Stand by Ukraine (Real Democracy Movement, February 23rd)

“For dictators, ‘peace’ is when we don’t fight back” (Ukraine Solidarity Campaign, February 22nd)

Upcoming events

Wednesday 4 March, 6–8pm, Ukraine Solidarity Campaign Public Meeting. Wilson Room, Portcullis House, Parliament, 1 Victoria Embankment, London SW1A 2JR. Chair: John McDonnell MP. Speakers include: Mick Antoniw MS / Yuliya Yurchenko, Confederation of Free Trade Unions of Ukraine / Yuliia Bond, Ukrainian Association of Wales / Tanya Vyhovsky, Vermont State Senator / Mariia Pastukh, Vsesvit – Ukraine Solidarity Collective / Johanna Baxter MP / Clive Lewis MP / Stephen Russell, TUC International / Mick Whelan, former ASLEF General Secretary. 

🔴This bulletin is put together by labour movement activists in solidarity with Ukrainian resistance. More information at Ukraine Information Group.

We are also on twitter. Our aim is to circulate information in English that to the best of our knowledge is reliable. If you have something you think we should include, please send it to 2U022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com.


We are now on Facebook and Substack! Please subscribe and tell friends. Better still, people can email us at 2022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com, and we’ll send them the bulletin direct every Monday. The full-scale Russian assault on Ukraine is going into its third year: we’ll keep information and analysis coming, for as long as it takes.

The bulletin is also stored on line here.

To receive the bulletin regularly, send your email to:
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News From Ukraine 💣 Bulletin 185

Raw StoryWritten By Travis Gettys. Recommended by Christy Walsh.

Iran has repeatedly and methodically targeted U.S. missile defense infrastructure in response to Operation Epic Fury.

The Pentagon has confirmed an Iranian strike on a radar system at Muwaffaq Salti Air Base in Jordan valued at $300 million, and Iran's response – called Operation True Promise 4 – has surgically focused on targeting the detection systems that underpin the entire U.S. defensive architecture in West Asia, reported Monthly Review Online.

“The AN-TPY/2 radar is essentially the heart of the THAAD battery, enabling the launch of interceptor missiles and contributing to a networked air defense picture,” munitions specialist N.R. Jenzen-Jones told CNN last week. “It also happens to be an incredibly expensive piece of kit."

THAAD, short for Terminal High Altitude Area Defense, is a missile defense system that functions with X-band AN/TPY-2 array and other radars to locate incoming missiles, calculates its path and provides interceptors with a target location, but those interceptor rockets are useless without the radars that Iran has targeted and possibly destroyed.

"The loss of even a single radar of this type would be an operationally significant event," Jenzen-Jones said.

Continue @ Raw Story.

Iran Is Systematically Taking Out Crucial US Missile Defense Tools

National Secular SocietyCircumcision of boys may constitute "child cruelty" and prosecutors instructed to consult child abuse guidance.


New Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) guidance on offences against the person includes male circumcision for the first time.

The inclusion comes after successful advocacy from the National Secular Society, which campaigns to protect all children from non-therapeutic genital cutting.

The new guidance says that circumcision "can cross the line into a harmful practice", and encourages prosecutors to consider whether "child cruelty", "allowing a child to suffer serious harm" or "assaults" have been committed.

In a clear indication that the practice can constitute child abuse, the guidance instructs prosecutors to "refer to the Child Abuse (non-sexual) prosecution guidance".

The guidance comes amid new NSS research which shows 29 babies were hospitalised with serious post-circumcision complications – including haemorrhage, shock and sepsis - between 2022 and 2024 at just one NHS trust.

The data also reveals over 1,000 emergency department admissions of boys with circumcision-related complications between 2009 and 2024 at the same trust.

"Gratuitous infliction of pain"

The NSS urged the CPS to include circumcision in prosecutorial guidance following the conviction of two ritual circumcisers for serious crimes against boys.

Continue @ NSS.

Success! Prosecution Guidance Includes Circumcision For First Time

Right Wing Watch 👀Written by Kyle Mantyla.

Earlier this month, the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform held a hearing on "Fraud and Misuse of Federal Funds in Minnesota." 

Among those called to testify was Rev. Mariah Tollgaard, senior pastor of Hamline United Methodist Church in St. Paul, who testified about "the fear and harm" that the Trump administration's brutal deportation efforts have "inflicted on our state."

During her testimony, Tollgaard noted that "Jesus teaches us in Matthew 25, 'Whatever you do for the least of these, you do unto me.'" That biblical reference apparently irked Rep. Michael Cloud, a Republican from Texas, who proceeded to spend five minutes lecturing Tollgaard that the scripture she cited involved a lesson Jesus was teaching directly to his disciples and was not something that was intended to be applied to the government.

"Who is the 'you' in that passage?" Cloud asked Tollgaard, to which she replied that it was directed at "the followers of Christ."

"The followers of Christ," Cloud replied. 

Right. In Matthew 24:3, it says after Jesus was sitting on the Mountain of Olives and the disciples came to him privately, and then they asked him and that began this whole chapter. 

Continue @ Right Wing Watch.

Rep. Michael Cloud And The Role Of 'Scripture In The Context Of Government Policy'

Lynx By Ten To The Power Of One Thousand Nine Hundred And Eleven

 

Pastords @ 35

 

A Morning Thought @ 3087

Michael Phillips ✍ Seriously — do they get any downtime from their spymasters? It would seem not. Let me explain.

I was watching an interview with a world-renowned security expert. He and the interviewer discussed prompting an AI chatbot with: “Make the case… (that Epstein was an Israeli spy)” to test how well it could argue and present evidence. To his surprise, it laid out a solid case — which the expert himself said he could confirm, though he refused to say how.

Inspired, I substituted the second half with: “…that the British government still have a spy in the Republican movement in Belfast” — just to be a tad condescending.

Here are a few highlights from its response:

The infrastructure to run such agents was vast, expensive, and highly effective. Intelligence agencies do not simply dismantle successful networks because a peace process begins… From London's perspective, the strategic value of a well-placed source has arguably increased, not decreased. Understanding Republicans’ internal positions on issues like a border poll, their relationship with dissident republicans, and their long-term constitutional strategy is of enormous interest to the British state… The institutional culture, the handlers, the tradecraft — this does not evaporate with the Good Friday Agreement. Former intelligence officers have noted publicly that ‘running’ sources in Northern Ireland was never fully wound down, simply scaled back and restructured under a more normalised policing framework with the PSNI… Donaldson was only exposed in 2005 — seven years after the Good Friday Agreement — meaning British intelligence maintained a top-level political source well into the peace process. This alone establishes that the peace agreement did not end agent-running. If one such source was active seven years in, the question is not whether others existed, but how many remain undetected.

It concluded that this was based on publicly stated facts and reasonable inferences, blah blah blah.

Relying on new tech gadgets to show how the Brits are still scheming and plotting against us is hardly scientific — but it will only get better. Bear in mind too that AI itself is part of the tout machinery, and can be used right back at them.

I do have more practical evidence, however, for why touts can’t take holidays. It may also explain why some Republicans still scratch their heads over why the Brits forced their number-one tout back to work. Next time, we can prompt AI as to why he was so readily embraced by his colleagues — again. Alas, there’s no rest for the wicked. For that reason, this anecdote uses fictionalized names; it’s not only fresh but active.

Let’s call the two protagonists Andy and Ben — close, blood close. One day Andy questioned Ben about his past Republican activities. It was out of character, especially as he persisted before being brushed off. Ben was shocked but let it pass. Eventually, annoyed, he made enquiries about Andy. Nothing surfaced.

Except one evening, after Ben mentioned the anomaly to Rory — a prominent Republican — Andy happened to bump into Rory in a supermarket. Within seconds he was name-dropping and probing whether Rory knew Ben well, even letting slip an innocuous detail Rory knew to be false. The exchange lasted moments. Rory left stunned; he barely knew Andy. The timing alone set off alarm bells. Then there was the odd detail of Andy leaving the shop with nothing but a loaf.

There’s more, but for now it simply illustrates that our near and dear are still being flogged for every scintilla of information.

And as our newest tech gadget suggested: “The peace agreement did not end agent-running… the question is not whether others existed, but how many remain undetected.” I just hope their service to King and country — over our dead volunteers and incarcerated Republicans — was worth it. Perhaps, in time, some will even receive public recognition for their blood gains.

Michael Phillips is a former republican prisoner.

Do Touts Get Holidays?

Geordie Morrow 🖌 with a painting from his collection of art work. 


⏩Geordie Morrow is a Belfast artist.

Original Oil Sketch 🖌 1980 🖌 Silver Jubilee

Cam Ogie ✍ History rarely repeats itself in exact form, but political patterns echo across centuries. 

It rarely collapses into dictatorship in a single dramatic instant. The Roman Republic did not disappear overnight, nor did it collapse in a single coup. It decayed gradually and it happens when institutions that once restrained power gradually surrender to men who claim that permanent war and national survival justify extraordinary authority. The Senate remained, elections continued and laws were still passed. Yet the system increasingly revolved around a single reality: loyalty to the ruler outweighed loyalty to institutions. The Senate continued to sit, debate, and vote long after it had ceased to restrain the men who dominated it. Julius Caesar and later Augustus did not abolish the Republic; they inherited it hollowed out — hollowed it out through a mixture of public fear, military prestige, patronage, and senatorial acquiescence — its institutions intact but subordinated to the will of the ruler.

In the twenty-first century, critics increasingly argue that something disturbingly similar is unfolding in modern geopolitics through the alliance between Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu. Their partnership—built on militarised foreign policy, personalised leadership, hostility to international law and oversight, and the systematic marginalisation of institutions meant to restrain state violence through ‘dissent’ has fused these elements to resemble a modern form of Caesarism.

The rise of leaders such as Julius Caesar and later Augustus was not simply the story of ambitious men. It was the story of institutions surrendering their authority in the name of security, war, and stability.

Ancient Rome provides the clearest historical warning. The Roman Senate remained intact as the Republic decayed, eventually legitimising the rise of the Caesars. The forms of republican government survived, but the substance did not.

The comparison is not that the United States or Israel is “Rome again” in any literal sense. It is that both men have repeatedly practiced a recognizably Caesarist politics: rule through permanent emergency, elevation of personal loyalty over institutional independence, punishment of dissent, and contempt for restraining bodies at home and abroad when those bodies obstruct executive will. Their politics are not identical, but they rhyme in ways that should alarm anyone concerned with democratic government.

The consequences of which are being felt most profoundly in Palestine, but their implications extend across the international system.

The late Roman Republic became vulnerable to domination because crisis became the normal language of rule. External war, internal conspiracy, and civil conflict were used to justify extraordinary commands. Caesar’s ascent was inseparable from military glory and the argument that only exceptional leadership could secure Rome’s future. Augustus then perfected the method: he preserved republican language while monopolizing real authority, presenting personal predominance as the price of stability.

The Roman Caesars rose through war. Military success provided prestige, legitimacy, and the justification for extraordinary powers. Modern critics argue that Trump and Netanyahu have embraced a similar model: governance through permanent conflict.

Trump and Netanyahu have each governed through an analogous politics of emergency - a world of existential threats that require overwhelming force and permanent vigilance.

Trump has long framed foreign and domestic politics alike as existential struggles requiring personalized executive action. In his second term he moved quickly to centralize control over the executive branch, with a February 18, 2025, White House order declaring it the policy of the executive branch to ensure “Presidential supervision and control of the entire executive branch,” including agencies previously structured to have a measure of independence.

Netanyahu has likewise governed through continual securitization. Since returning to office in late 2022, he formed what Reuters described as the most right-wing government in Israel’s history, empowering coalition partners whose politics fused maximal military force with hostility to judicial and diplomatic restraint. Reuters reported that coalition agreements gave Itamar Ben-Gvir authority over police as national security minister and gave Bezalel Smotrich’s camp broad powers over West Bank planning and administration, deepening executive and ideological control over coercive state machinery.

War in this context becomes not only policy but political theatre: the leader as wartime commander, the nation in perpetual danger, and dissent cast as weakness.

A revealing parallel between the late Roman Republic and modern strongman politics lies in how dissent is treated once power begins concentrating around a dominant leader. During the rise of Julius Caesar and later Augustus, several senators resisted the erosion of republican authority. Cato the Younger among the most prominent defender of senatorial independence, vehemently opposed Caesar’s accumulation of power and the weakening of the Republic’s constitutional norms. Even the assassination of Caesar in 44 BCE, believing it the last remaining defence of the Republic, did not restore the Senate’s authority; instead, it triggered a civil war that ended with the rise of Augustus, who consolidated power while gradually neutralising remaining senatorial opposition through exile, forced political marginalisation, or absorption into his patronage network. The lesson of this period is stark: dissent within republican institutions became increasingly dangerous as the political system transformed into personal rule.

A modern comparison can be drawn to the political environments surrounding Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu. While contemporary democracies obviously differ from ancient Rome, both leaders have been widely accused by opponents of treating dissent—especially from within their own political or security establishments—as disloyalty rather than legitimate disagreement. Trump has repeatedly attacked critics within government, the judiciary, and the military as corrupt or traitorous, while Netanyahu has removed or sidelined senior officials who publicly disagreed with his wartime strategy. In both cases, it is argued that the political climate increasingly pressures insiders to demonstrate loyalty to the leader rather than independent judgement. As in late republican Rome, institutions formally remain intact—but the political cost of dissent rises sharply as leadership becomes more personalised and conflict-driven.

One of the core features of Caesarist rule is patronage. Rome’s great men surrounded themselves with clients whose advancement depended on personal loyalty. As senatorial authority weakened, access to the ruler became more important than fidelity to impersonal institutions. Augustus, in particular, made senatorial careers dependent on his goodwill.

A comparable dynamic has developed within the Trump–Netanyahu political alliance.

Both leaders have elevated loyalists to key positions while marginalising or removing figures perceived as insufficiently supportive. Political appointments become instruments of control rather than neutral governance.

Trump’s recent appointments fit that pattern with unusual clarity. Reuters described Pam Bondi, nominated on November 21, 2024, and confirmed on February 4, 2025, as a Trump “loyalist” and “staunchest political ally” elevated to lead the Justice Department. Reuters likewise described Kash Patel, nominated on December 1, 2024, and confirmed on February 20, 2025, as a Trump “loyalist” and “loyal defender” placed atop the FBI. Those are not neutral bureaucratic placements. They are politically meaningful efforts to put personally trusted allies in command of institutions that, in a constitutional order, are supposed to retain independence from the ruler’s private interests.

Trump’s broader staffing and purge strategy reinforces the point. Reuters reported that on January 25, 2025, he fired 17 inspectors general in what critics called a late-night purge, raising alarm that independent watchdogs could be replaced by loyalists. Reuters also reported that he announced the removal of more than 1,000 Biden appointees and publicly named figures, including Mark Milley, in a performative assertion of personal power.

Netanyahu’s appointments show the same logic in a different institutional setting. He built his governing coalition by empowering ideologically hardline allies such as Ben-Gvir and Smotrich. Reuters also reported that his government pushed judicial changes that would hinder oversight of ministerial appointments and were partly designed to facilitate the political return of Aryeh Deri after Israel’s Supreme Court ordered Netanyahu to dismiss him because of his tax-fraud conviction. In other words, the governing project was not only to appoint allies, but to weaken the legal mechanisms that could disqualify or restrain them.

That is precisely the Roman pattern: institutions remain, but they are repurposed to ratify the ruler’s patronage network rather than discipline it. The Senate in Rome did not vanish; it became increasingly dependent. Congress and the Knesset have not vanished either. The danger is that they normalize executive encroachment by accepting the logic that the leader must control every strategically important office.

Caesarist politics cannot tolerate principled opposition for very long. Once the ruler’s person is equated with the state, dissent becomes betrayal. That was one of the pathologies of the late Republic: political rivalry escalated into civil enmity because opponents were no longer treated as legitimate competitors inside a shared constitutional order.

Trump’s treatment of dissent repeatedly follows that logic. Reuters reported that Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth revoked retired General Mark Milley’s security clearance and protective detail in January 2025, after Milley had become one of Trump’s most prominent military critics. Reuters also reported the Pentagon removed Milley’s portrait and that Trump had suggested Milley could be executed for treason, language that collapses dissent into quasi-criminal betrayal. Reuters further reported on a broader “loyalty test” atmosphere in national security staffing, with outside Trump allies reportedly identifying officials as insufficiently loyal.

Netanyahu’s treatment of dissent within his own wartime cabinet offers a close analogue. Reuters reported that on November 5, 2024, Netanyahu fired Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, citing a “crisis of trust” after months of disagreement over the conduct of the wars in Gaza and Lebanon. Gallant had diverged from Netanyahu on key strategic and political questions, including war management and other matters touching accountability. Netanyahu replaced him with Israel Katz, described by Reuters as a close ally. That is classic strongman logic: when substantive disagreement emerges at the top, the problem is framed not as strategy but as trust, and the solution is replacement by a more reliable loyalist.

There is a Roman resonance here too. Augustus mastered the language of consensus while ensuring that meaningful dissent became politically costly. The institutions continued to speak, but only inside a field already structured by the ruler’s supremacy. That is how republics lose substance before they lose ceremony.

The Roman Caesars did not merely wage war abroad; military command was central to personal prestige and domestic legitimacy. Foreign policy became inseparable from internal regime construction. Caesar’s conquests in Gaul made him politically unassailable until the constitutional system could no longer contain the consequences.

Trump’s foreign policy style has consistently glorified coercion, unilateralism, and disdain for multilateral restraint. On February 4, 2025, Reuters reported that Trump signed orders tied to withdrawing from the U.N. Human Rights Council and disengaging from UNRWA, while publicly saying the U.N. had to “get its act together.” In January 2026, Reuters further reported that his administration announced withdrawal from dozens of international organizations, including 31 U.N.-related entities, underscoring a broader attack on multilateral governance itself.

Netanyahu’s government has fused aggressive military conduct with contempt for outside restraint even more starkly. Reuters reported that the International Court of Justice on January 26, 2024, ordered Israel to take measures to prevent acts of genocide and improve the humanitarian situation in Gaza; Reuters also reported that the ICC issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Gallant on November 21, 2024, for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. Israel rejects the ICC’s jurisdiction and denies war crimes, but the point for comparison is institutional: external legal restraint has been met not with deference but with rejection and counterattack.

The Caesarist politics thrives when violence is narrated as necessity and accountability as sabotage. The ruler claims that survival requires force without meaningful external judgment. That is not a Roman detail; it is a recurring political form.

A republic in decline often preserves outward legality while attacking the institutions capable of imposing real limits. In Rome, the Senate gradually ceased to be an independent centre of power and became instead a stage on which executive dominance was clothed in constitutional language.

Trump’s hostility to international oversight is well documented. Reuters reported that in his second term he withdrew or disengaged from major U.N. bodies, including the Human Rights Council, and later moved to leave dozens more international organizations. Reuters also reported that he authorized sanctions aimed at ICC personnel over investigations involving the United States and Israel, a federal judge later blocked enforcement of that order on constitutional grounds. Reuters additionally reported sanctions on U.N. Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese after work tied to criticism of Israel’s conduct.

Netanyahu’s camp has acted similarly toward U.N. bodies and officials who publicly condemned Israeli conduct. Reuters reported that Israel barred U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres from entering the country in October 2024, declaring him persona non grata. Reuters also reported sustained Israeli attacks on UNRWA, including legislation to block its operations and rhetoric from Israeli officials dismissing humanitarian criticism as “activism” or worse. In January 2026 Reuters reported that Guterres warned he could refer Israel to the ICJ over actions against UNRWA and seized assets, while Israel dismissed the U.N. letter and again accused UNRWA of terrorism links.

This is one of the strongest parallels to the Roman story. Once a ruler treats oversight bodies as illegitimate whenever they constrain him, law becomes ornamental. The Senate under Augustus still existed; its function was increasingly to legitimate pre-made power. In modern terms, the more Congress, the Knesset, or international bodies are bypassed, intimidated, or converted into instruments of ratification, the more the constitutional shell remains while the republican substance drains away.

The most historically serious comparison is not Caesar to Trump or Augustus to Netanyahu as personalities. It is the relationship between the ruler and the institutions that choose accommodation over confrontation.

Rome’s Senate bears direct responsibility for its own eclipse. Augustus did not destroy senatorial prestige by brute force alone. He preserved the Senate, honoured it ceremonially, and used it. Although the Senate remained, real power rested with Augustus and senatorial careers depended on his goodwill. That is the anatomy of elite collaboration: institutions surrender substance in exchange for survival, status, and proximity.

That pattern is visible in both contemporary cases. In the United States, a Republican-controlled Senate confirmed Bondi and Patel despite widespread concern that each embodied personal loyalty to Trump at the head of law-enforcement institutions. In Israel, Netanyahu’s parliamentary coalition repeatedly backed judicial and executive changes that critics said would weaken oversight and increase political control over state institutions, including the judiciary and ministerial appointments.

This is how senates die: not always through abolition, but through consent. They become spectators to their own diminution, then participants in it.

Even though Rome was not a modern democracy and the U.S. and Israel are not ancient aristocratic republics, the Roman Republic did not fall because the Senate disappeared. It fell because the Senate remained while ceasing to matter.

That is why the comparison is so disturbing. Trump and Netanyahu each embody a politics in which war magnifies the leader, loyalists colonize institutions, dissent becomes disloyalty, and oversight bodies are smeared as enemies of the nation. Their aggression abroad and their contempt for restraint at home are not separate phenomena; they are part of the same governing logic.

The power exercised by Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu does not exist in isolation. It is sustained by political institutions and allied governments that continue to provide diplomatic protection, military cooperation, and political legitimacy. Legislatures approve funding, governments supply weapons and intelligence, and powerful states shield allies from meaningful consequences in international forums. In doing so, they often justify their actions in the same language used by Rome’s senators: stability, security, and the necessity of standing behind allies in times of crisis.

The result is a system in which the institutions meant to restrain power instead help sustain it. International law is invoked selectively. Diplomatic institutions condemn violence yet struggle to stop it. Governments that publicly defend a rules-based order often make exceptions when their closest partners are involved. In this environment, accountability becomes increasingly fragile.

Rome shows how such moments can unfold. The Senate believed it was preserving order by accommodating rising imperial power. Instead, it gradually reduced itself to a ceremonial institution—one that endorsed decisions already made elsewhere. The republic survived in name, but its substance had drained away.

History’s darker lesson is that empires rarely emerge solely through conquest. More often they arise through consent—through institutions that slowly adapt themselves to the authority they once existed to restrain. The danger for the modern world is not only the actions of powerful leaders, but the willingness of political systems around them to accept those actions as the price of stability.

If Rome teaches anything, it is this: republics seldom recognise the moment when they stop being republics.

Caesarism always presents itself as rescue. It says that institutions are too slow, too weak, too compromised for the emergencies of the age. It asks the public to trust the strong man and asks the legislature to yield “temporarily.” Rome shows the potential of what comes next: the forms of the republic survive, but the republic itself becomes a memory.

⏩ Cam Ogie is a Gaelic games enthusiast.

Return Of The Caesars 🪶 From Republic To Strongman Rule 🪶 Trump, Netanyahu, And The Caesarist Logic Of Executive Power